By Kenneth L. Kusmer, Joe W. Trotter
Historians have committed strangely little awareness to African American city heritage of the postwar interval, specially in comparison with past many years. Correcting this imbalance, African American city background in view that global struggle II good points a thrilling mixture of pro students and clean new voices whose mixed efforts give you the first accomplished evaluate of this crucial subject. the 1st of this volume’s 5 groundbreaking sections makes a speciality of black migration and Latino immigration, reading tensions and alliances that emerged among African american citizens and different teams. Exploring the demanding situations of residential segregation and deindustrialization, later sections take on such issues because the actual property industry’s discriminatory practices, the circulation of middle-class blacks to the suburbs, and the impression of black city activists on nationwide employment and social welfare regulations. one other crew of individuals examines those issues throughout the lens of gender, chronicling deindustrialization’s disproportionate impression on ladies and women’s prime roles in hobbies for social switch. Concluding with a collection of essays on black tradition and intake, this quantity totally realizes its target of linking neighborhood changes with the nationwide and international tactics that have an effect on city type and race family members.
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Extra resources for African American Urban History since World War II (Historical Studies of Urban America)
There has been a great deal of research in recent years on the demography of the two great migrations, most of it enabled by the IPUMS data. 14 Dona Irvin was twenty-five years old when she left Houston. In that sense, she was a very typical migrant: cross-country relocation was for young people. 3 shows the age distributions of migrants during the two intervals for which we have adequate data. The 20–24 age group led all others, and a large portion of each migration cohort consisted of people between the ages of 15 and 29.
New York and Chicago remained the top two destinations, and Detroit, Philadelphia, St. Louis, and Cleveland continued to attract large numbers of newcomers. Those six cities in 1980 housed more than two million former southerners, over half the migrant population. Some cities that had been primary destinations ceased to be so in the second wave. Pittsburgh had 64,000 southerners in 1930, but fewer than 40,000 in 1980. Pittsburgh’s black population had continued to grow, but mostly not as a result of new migration.
Volume of black migration out of the South, by decade. ) Second Great Migration. 5 million southerners left home. Migration rates declined a bit in the 1950s. This chart may underestimate somewhat the volume of the 1960s and overestimate the 1970s by the same margin. A badly worded question in the 1970 census seems to have generated some erroneous birthplace information. Most likely, volumes of migration were steadier across the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s than they appear to be in the census data.
African American Urban History since World War II (Historical Studies of Urban America) by Kenneth L. Kusmer, Joe W. Trotter